THE GANGLAND OF KOSOVOSTAN

Monitoring the Albanian Kosovostan Islamic Caliphate founded by ex-US President Bill Clinton in June 1999

(Quasi)Academic foundations of a racist Greater Albania



Muslims Kosovo

The topic to be addressed in this text is the basic misconception on the question of the Balkan Albanian ethnogenesis and national identity that was framed by extremely geo-politically coloured the German-based “Illyrian” theory of the Albanian ethnic and cultural origin. This (quasi)theory, unfortunately, has very deep and negative regional political-security consequences during the last century.

The implementation of the “Illyrian” (quasi)theory of the Albanian ethnogenesis was accepted firstly by the Rilindja, (the renaissance) – the Albanian nationalistic and chauvinistic political movement in 1878–1913 for the sake to create the ethnically pure Greater Albania as a national state of all Balkan Albanians composed by self-interpreted all ethnographic and (quasi)historical “Albanian” territories at the expense of historical truth, justice as well as the Slavic and the Greek national interest.

iliri

The Illyrian tribes at the Balkans before the 1 century AD

The “Ilyrian” (Quasi)Theory on the Albanian Balkan Origin

The so-called “Illyrian” (quasi)theory of the ethnic origin of the Albanians (created by the German and the Austrian scholars) became purposely the most popular theory of the Albanian nation’s derivation among the majority of the Albanian scholars, politicians and intellectuals (see, for example [Marmullaku R., Albania and Albanians, London, 1975, pp. 5–9; Miridita Z., Istorija Albanaca (“Iliri i etnogeneza Albanaca”), Beograd, 1969, pp. 6–13; Historia e popullit Shqiptar, I, Prishtinë, 1969, pp. 155–161]). The crucial and concluding point of this (quasi)theory (in fact, it is actually a very highly politicized and above all non-provable hypothesis) is that the present-day Albanians are an authentic nation (ethnolinguistic group) of the Balkans, the oldest, aboriginal and autochthonous ethnolinguistic group in this part of Europe. As a result, the Albanians’ South Slavic neighbours (the Serbs, Montenegrins, and Macedonian Slavs) in contrast to the “indigenous” Albanians are just “newcomers” to the Balkans (who arrived at this peninsula “only” at the turn of the 7th century AD) [Malcolm N., Kosovo: A Short History, New York, 1999, pp. 22−40]. Therefore, their ethnicity and nationality are allegedly much more recent than that of the Albanians. Subsequently, “historic rights” of the Balkan (quasi)autochthonous Albanian population on certain disputed Balkan territories (primarily between the Albanians and the South Slavs but also and between the Albanians and the Greeks) are stronger, more justifiable and historically more deeply rooted in comparison to the “historic rights” of the Serbs, Montenegrins or Macedonian Slavs. For that reason, it is expected that a “democratic” West will support the “justifiable” Albanian imperialistic territorial claims framed by the nationalistic and racist idea of a united Greater Albania (about the problem of relations between national identification and border identities, see [Wilson Th., Donnan H. (eds.), Border Identities. Nation and state at international frontiers, Cambridge, 1998]).

However, the Albanian national identity was created by the Austro-Hungarian authorities at the late 19th century and the very beginning of the 20th century. A Bulgarian scholar Teodora Todorova Toleva in her recent book on the creation of Albanian national identity published in 2012, cites unpublished documents from the Austrian State Archives (Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv) in Vienna that demonstrate that the Austro-Hungarian authorities had a crucial influence on the creation of Albanian nationality in the years of 1896−1908 [Тодорова Толева Т., Влиянието на АвстроУнгария за създаването на албанската нация, 1896−1908, София, 2012]. This book is based on her Ph.D. dissertation defended at Barcelona University on September 16th, 2008 (see also [Schanderl D. H., Die Albanienpolitik Österreich-Ungarns und Italiens 1877−1908, Albanische Forschungen № 9, Wiesbaden: Otto Harassovitz, 1971]). It became today clear that such Austro-Hungarian policy of creation of the Albanian national identity, nationalism and finally independent state of Albania in 1912 was fundamentally pointed out against the Serbian, the Montenegrin and the Greek national interests in the region.

Here, we have to make a short note of clarification that the “Montenegrins” should be considered from a cultural, religious and ethnolinguistic point of view as the Serbs from Montenegro (Glomazić M., Etničko i nacionalno biće Crnogoraca, Beograd, 1988). Historical, political, religious, economic and cultural relations between the Serbs from Montenegro (the Montenegrins) and the Serbs from Serbia are similar to those of the Germans from Austria (the Austrians) and the Germans from Germany. However, today 60% of the citizens of Montenegro claim, as a direct consequence of anti-Serb propaganda and policy of the Yugoslav communist government after the WWII, that they are ethnolinguistic “Montenegrins” different from the Serbs (on this problem see more in [Lazarević D., “Inventing Balkan Identities: Finding the Founding Fathers and Myths of Origin – The Montenegrin Case”, Serbian Studies: Journal of the North American Society for Serbian Studies, Vol. 25, No. 2, 2011 (2014), pp. 171−197]).

Nevertheless, shortly, according to the (quasi)theory of the Illyrian-Albanian (quasi)ethnolinguistic continuity, the Albanians are descendants of the ancient Balkan population – the Illyrians. The national name of the Albanians has to come from the name of one Illyrian tribe – the Albanoi. Furthermore, the tribal name, Albanoi, was the designation applied to the entire number of the Illyrian tribes around the Ionian Sea. However, for instance, contemporary German historiography does not mention the Illyrian tribal name Albanoi at all. The territory of Albania in the Greco-Roman time was populated only by one Illyrian tribe, the Taulantii. In addition, neighboring present-day Greek territories were settled by the Illyrian tribe Dassaretii, the ancient Macedonia by the Paeones and Dardanes, and Kosovo-Metochia by the Scirtones [Westermann Großer Atlas zur Weltgeschichte, Braunschweig, 1985, pp. 38–39].

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A grave place of a member of the Kosovo Liberation Army with a clear political message what they were fighting for during the Kosovo War of 1998−1999. That was a Greater Albania

A Linguistic Speculation

However, the proponents of the “Illyrian” (quasi)theory of the Albanian ethnographic origin built their scientifically unproved hypothesis mostly on the pure speculation that the modern Albanian language is directly descended from the ancient Illyrian one as well as that both of them belong to the same Indo-European language-group. Nevertheless, this claim is extremely disputed by the contemporary linguistic science. The fact is that the Albanian language as a spoken language of the inhabitants of the present-day Albania was not mentioned in any historical source until 1285 when it was for the first time recorded under this name in the manuscripts from Dubrovnik in which the language was referred to as lingua albanesesca. The name for the land – Albanon (the territory on which the Albanian language speakers live) is derived from the name of the language. This term for Albania, according to the supporters of this (quasi)theory, appears in several 13th century Latin dictionaries, as well as in some of the Byzantine historical sources. The mediaeval sources referred to the region between Mache river on the north and Schumbe river on the south (both in the present-day Albania) as Arbanon (or Arber) but without any connection with the Albanian ethnic name. The Serbs who were living there before the Albanians occupied this territory coming from Sicily in the year of 1043 called this region as Raban. According to the 2nd century Greek geographer Ptolemy, this territory was settled by the Albanoi tribe which was of the Illyrian origin. However, the name of the Balkan Albania and subsequently of the ethnic Albanians is not derived from Albanoi or Arbanon but rather from the town-name of Albanopolis or Albanum (Whitetown or Belgrade) [Деретић И. Ј. Антић П. Д., Јарчевић М. С., Измишљено досељавање Срба, Београд, 2009, p. 266].

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A map of a Greater Albania as unofficial political task to be realized by the Islamic fundamentalists of the Kosovo Liberation Army

As a matter of fact, before the Ottoman conquest of the Balkans, the population of Albania called themselves Arbërësh/Arbënesh and their country as Arbën/Arbër. The South Slavonic name for the people from Albania was the Arbanas. The Arnauts (Арнауташи) were Islamized and later on Albanized ethnolinguistic Serbs in Kosovo-Metochia, who still did not forget their original ethnicity [Цвијић Ј., Основе за географију и геологију Македоније и Старе Србије, III, Београд, 1911, pp. 1162−1166]. However, during the period of the Albanian national revival movement in the late 19th century the Albanians called themselves as Shqipëtarë and the country as Shqipëtaria. The name is most probably derived from the word shqipe what means “eagle” referring to the mountainous settlers of the highlands of Albania. However, this word probably comes from the ancient Dacian-Moesian language adopted by the Bulgarians who settled the Roman province of Moesia Inferior in 680/681. In the Bulgarian language “Shqiptars” means the “highlanders”. The popular nickname for the Albanians is the “Sons of the Eagle” and for Albania the “Land of the Eagle”. Two of the most important and powerful Albanian tribal units around 1900 (like today as well) were the Ghegs in the North Albania and the Tosks in the South Albania. The Albanian population was (and is) divided with respect to the religion. They are the Muslims (overwhelming majority of all Albanians), the Roman Catholics and the Eastern Orthodox (the later are in fact Albanized ethnic Greeks). The last group occupies the South-East Albania around the cities of Korçë and Gjirokastër (Argyrus) (for more details see [Hobhouse J. C. (Lord Broughton), Travels in Albania and other provinces of Turkey in 1808 and 1810, I, II, London, 1858; Skendi S., “Religion in Albania during the Ottoman rule”, Südost Forscungen, № 15, Münich, 1956; Hobsbawm E. J., Nations and Nationalism since 1789. Programme, Myth, Reality, Cambridge, 2000, p. 70]). A majority of the Christian Orthodox “Albanians” fought on the side of the Greeks against the Ottoman authorities and the Muslim Albanians in 1821−1829 for the Greek independence that was finally achieved in 1830. In fact, the real Albanians even today are only those of the Islamic denomination and only those Muslim Albanians fought for the independent state of Albania and today for a Greater Albania [Јевтић М., „Исламска суштина албанског сецесионизма и културно наслеђе Срба“, Национални интерес, 17/2, Београд, 2013, pp. 231−252].

It is interesting to notice that the “Illyrian” linguistic (quasi)theories of the Albanian and the South Slavic ethnogenesis have certain similarities with the “Thracian” linguistic theory of the ethnic origin of the Lithuanian nation that was championed by the 19th century Lithuanian linguist and national worker Jonas Basanavičius. The theory was the result of Basanavičius’ linguistic research of ethnogenesis of the 19th century Lithuanian nation. In his book Lietuviškai trakiškos studijos he developed the theory that part of the ancient Tracians emigrated from their Balkan homeland and ultimately settled in the eastern littoral of the Baltic Sea. Basanavičius claimed that these Thracian migrants from the Balkans were the predecessors of the modern Lithuanian nation. This theory was based on the fact that the ancient Thracian language was similar to the 19th century Lithuanian language. Both of these languages belong to the family of the Indo-European languages. Basanavičius was working for years in Bulgaria and in order to prove his theory collected documents with the Thracian personal names, toponyms and names for different kinds of drinks and then compared them to those of the Lithuanians. He claimed, for example, that the Lithuanian name Getas comes from the Thracian tribal name Getai [Basanavičius J., Lietuviškai trakiškos studijos, Shenandoah, PA, 1898, pp. 8–15; Seen A. E., Jonas Basanavičius: The patriarch of the Lithuanian national renaissance, Newtonville, MA, 1980]. According to Basanavičius, the name for the mediaeval Lithuanian capital Trakai was derived from the Greek name for the ancient Thracians, while some of the “Polish” names for the settlements (for instance, Kalisz in the region of Poznan) were not originally Polish: they were of the Lithuanian-Thracian origin. Basanavičius concluded that the ancient Thracians were of the same ethnicity as the Lithuanians [Basanavičius J., Lietuviškai trakiškos studijos, Shenandoah, PA, 1898, pp. 21−74].

The partisans of the “Illyrian” (quasi)theory of the Albanian origin speak in support of the school of thought on the origin and evolution of the Illyrians, which claims that the ancient Illyrians did not migrate to the Balkans. Instead, they were an autochthonous people in this part of Europe and even one of the oldest settlers in Europe. It has been suggested that the Albanians, as allegedly direct ethnic, political and cultural offsprings of the ancient Illyrians, are the original and indigenous inhabitants of the Balkans, even more aboriginal than the ancient Greeks since the ancient Greeks migrated to the Balkans in two great migration waves: first, around 2000 BC, and secondly (Dorians), around 1200 BC [Oxford Dictionary of World History. The world’s most trusted reference books, New York, p. 253]. Therefore, the Albanian “historic” rights had to be much stronger, justifiable and historically deeper in comparison to the South Slavic and Greek rights with respect to several Balkan territories of doubtful authenticity. In other words, the Albanians are seen as the “hosts” while their all neighbors are the “guests” in the Balkan Peninsula (for instance, see [Marmullaku R., Albania and Albanians, London, 1975, p. 6; Miridita Z., Istorija Albanaca (“Iliri i etnogneza Albanaca”), Beograd, 1969, p. 9]). The American mediaevalist John V. A. Fine simplified the crucial point of the (quasi)theory of the Illyrian-Albanian ethnical-cultural-political continuity, writing that: “…if the Illyrians were the ancestors of the Albanians, then the Albanians, as original inhabitants, have some historic right to that region and possibly rights to other regions which had been settled by Illyrians. And their Illyrian ancestry has been very important in Albanian nation-building myths” [Fine J., The Early Medieval Balkans, Ann Arbor, 1994, p. 10].

A Speculation on “Historical Rights”  

The pivotal aspect (from a historical-political point of view) of the “Illyrian” (quasi)theory is the claim that the Illyrian-Albanian tribes withdrew from the vast areas of the Balkans settling in the Balkan coastal towns and in the mountains of the present-day Albania, Epirus, Macedonia and Montenegro during the alleged Slavic invasion and occupation of the Balkans in the 6th and 7th centuries. However, according to this (quasi)theory, Kosovo-Metochia was the only fertile lowlands in the entire Balkan Peninsula, which was somehow not abandoned by the Romanized Illyrians-Albanians. As a result, the Albanians of the (quasi)Illyrian ethnic origin were and are considered as an autochthonous population of Kosovo-Metochia (in fact, Ancient Serbia) while the Slavonic Serbs-Montenegrins were looked upon as newcomers and occupiers in the region of Kosovo-Metochia. Shortly, the Illyrian-Albanian (quasi)historical and ethnic rights to Kosovo-Metochia – the land claimed by both the Albanians and their Serb neighbors – had to be some 15 centuries older than the Slavonic Serbian-Montenegrin historical and ethnic claims to the same territories, according to the (quasi)theory of the Illyrian-Albanian ethnogenesis (see, for instance [Noel M., Kosovo: A Short History, New York, 1999, pp. 22−40]).

This (quasi)theory emphasizes that in the present-day North Albania an extensive settlement of old inhabitants emerged after the occupation of the Balkans by the more powerful South Slavonic tribes. This opinion is also shared by some Serbian scholars but who were or are the parts of the rulling anti-Serbian communist establishment in Serbia (for instance [Ferjančić B., Istorija Albanaca (“Albanija do XII veka”), Beograd, 1969, p. 29]. The champions of the “Illyrian” (quasi)theory frequently cited the words of Milovan Đilas, one of the leading Yugoslav communists after the WWII (and a war criminal) from Montenegro who wrote: “The Albanians are the most ancient Balkan people – older than the Slavs, and even the ancient Greeks” (cited from: [Costa N., Albania: A European Enigma, New York, 1995, p. 1]), or a French scholar Andre Malraux who wrote that “Athens was, alas no more than an Albanian village” [Malraux A., Anti-Memoirs, New York, 1968, p. 33].

There is particular emphasis on this part of the “Illyrian” (quasi)theory during the Balkan Wars of 1912–1913 as a way of refuting Serbia’s claims on the territory of the North Albania – a territory populated by the Serbs before 1043 when the Albanians became a Balkan people (as arrived from Sicily at that year). Furthermore, it is claimed that the Illyrian-Albanian population from the lowland of Kosovo-Metochia began to come under the Slavonic political-cultural influence, while the Illyrian-Albanian mountainous tribes from the Albanian highlands, who had less contacts with the Slavs, succeeded in maintaining their social system and cultural inheritance without alteration. The defenders of this (quasi)theory claim that the Byzantine province of Theme Dyrrhachium (which was established around 809 and covered the entire present-day Albania’s territory, part of the North Epirus, the West Macedonia and the main part of the Montenegrin littoral with the area of Scodra lake) was inhabited by the Albanians who “caused the region to develop a special (Albanian) character” [Marmullaku R., Albania and Albanians, London, 1975, p. 8; Ferluga J, “Sur la date de la création du thème de Dyrrhachium”, Extrait des Actes du XII Congrès International des Etudes Byzantines, vol. 2, Beograd, 1964, pp. 83−92] (regarding the borders of the Byzantine Theme Dyrrhachium see [Engel J. (ed.), Groβer Historischer Weltatlas. Mittelalter, München, 1979, p. 14]).

0_902ba_af51962b_L

A Greater Albania created by B. Mussolini and A. Hitler in 1941−1944 as a direct political inspiration for the present-day nationalistic projects on (re)establishment of a Greater Albania. It has to be paid a special attention that the northern part of Kosovo-Metochia was not included into a Greater Albania as exclusively populated by the Serbs

Charles I of Naples (1227–1285) established his own feudal domain under the name of the Regnum Albanai, which is tendentiously considered in the Albanian historiography as the first Albanian national state, located on the territory of the Byzantine Theme Dyrrhachium. Its capital became the city of Dyrrhachium (Durazo in the Italian, Durës in the Albanian or Drač in the Serbian). Therefore, the Albanian historiographic forgers claim that their nation has statehood rights even from the mid-13th century. However, it is known that the first national state of the Albanians was proclaimed only on November 28th, 1912 in Valona and became internationally recognized with the fixed borders after the WWI.

According to the “Illyrian” (quasi)theory, the Albanians as one of the oldest European peoples, who had lived on the same territory since the early period of the Antiquity, deserved to be taken into account as one of the original inhabitants of Europe. They had to be descended from the Illyrians, i.e. from a special branch of the Indo-European peoples, just like the Greeks or the Armenians. Moreover, the Albanians were considered to have a language which reflects the quality, intensity and period of important pre-Indo-European and Mediterranean (i.e., Pelasgian) influences. Their culture is different from neighboring ones in terms of religious tolerance, a common history of permanent resistance against any foreign power and subjugation, a partial (mediaeval) experience in independent statehood, a culture which is an amalgamation of the Illyrian-Balkan origins and the East-West European elements, a very old and distinctive folk culture, and ultimately  a certain kind of “individualist toughness which, all together, singles the Albanians out of their immediate surroundings…” [Ismajly R., “Albanians and South-Eastern Europe (Aspects of Identity)”, Conflict or Dialogue. Serbian-Albanian relations and integration of the Balkans. Studies and Essays, Subotica, 1994, p. 269].

In accordance with this theory, the following territories in the South-East Europe were and are inhabited by the Balkan Illyro-Albanians and as such they should be defined as the territory of a united (Greater) Albania, as the national state of all Albanians, in the future: it would extend from the area of Scodra lake in Montenegro on the north, to the Bay of Ambrazio in Greece on the south, and from the Adriatic Sea on the west, to the Treska river in Macedonia and Preševo, Medveđa, Bujanovac and Lebane districts in Serbia on the east (for example [Protest of the Population of Shkodra, Podgorica, Shpuza, Zhabjak, Tivar, Ulqin, Gruda, Kelmend, Hot and Kastrat addressed to the Ambassador of France in Istanbul against the annexation of Albanian lands by Montenegro (Shkodra, May 8th, 1878), Archives du Ministère des Affaires étrangères, Paris, Fund of the French Embassy at the Sublime Porte, Turkey, vol. 417, pp. 51–54, supplement to the report № 96. Original in French. English translation in Pollo S., Pulaha S. (eds.), Pages of the Albanian National Renaissance, 1878–1912, Tirana, 1978, pp. 12–13; Contents of the coded telegram sent by Dervish Pasha from Shkodra (December 27th, 1880), Basbakanllik Arsive, Istanbul, Fund of Jilldiz esas evraki, 14 88/16 88 12. Original in Turkish. See figure 2.]). For the Albanian scholars, of course, any project of creation of a Greater Albania is only the myth and anti-Albanian propaganda by the Serbs and the Greeks [Kola P., The Myth of Greater Albania, New York, 2003]. Nevertheless, that was and is, in the eyes of supporters of the Illyrian (quasi)theory of the Albanian ethnogenesis, the exact territory of the Illyro-Albanians who have a 2000 year-old and continuous history and culture.

An Original Homeland of the Balkan Albanians

However, several written historical sources from different cultural environments (Byzantine, Arab…) clearly say that the Albanians arrived in the Balkans in 1043 from the East Sicily and that their original homeland was in the Caucasus Albania which is mentioned in several ancient sources as an independent state with its own rulers. The Caucasus Albania was neighbouring the Caspian Sea, Media, Iberia, Armenia and Sarmatia Asiatica. The most important source which mentions that the Balkan Albanians came from the East Sicily in 1043 is the Byzantine historian Michael Ataliota [Ataliota M., Corpus Scriptorum Historiae Byzantine, Bonn: Weber, 1853, p. 18]. This very historical fact is even recognized and by some Albanian historians like Stefang Pollo and Arben Puto [Pollo S., Puto A., The History of Albania, London-Boston-Hebley, 1981, p. 37].

Caucasus Albania

The Ancient Caucasus Albania as the original homeland of the present-day Balkan Albanians

The First League of Prizren (1878−1881) and a Greater Albania

A real aim of the Albanian national movement Rilindja (1878–1913), as the foundation of all later and up today Albanian geo-political and megalomanic territorial claims was not, as it is officially presented by both the German and the Albanian historiographies, the Albanian liberation from the Ottoman rule and the creation of a national Albanian state whose borders would encompass all self-proclaimed „Albanian“ territories. However, the political aim of the movement was to preserve the existence of the Islamic Ottoman Sultanate as the movement itself had extremely strong Islamic connotation but to create within the Sultanate an autonomous province of the Islamic Greater Albania. Subsequently, any later project up today on united Albanian national state is based on the Islamic framework that is, for instance, the foundation of the present day „independent“ Republic of Kosovo (better to say the Islamic Kosovostan Caliphate) which is in fact nothing else but just a province of a Greater Albania with the capital in Tirana.

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A map of a megalomanic project of a Greater Albania in a form of the United States of Albania

The political and military arm of the movement became the First League of Prizren (1878−1881) which established its own organizational structure in all of the territories considered to be parts of a united ethnic state of all Albanians (see, for example [The Activity of the Albanian League of Prizren in the vilayet of Kosova (1880), Consul-General Blunt to the Marquis of Salisbury, Public Record Office, Foreign Affairs, London, № 195/1323; The British Museum, London, Fund of Accounts and Papers (43), 1880, LXXXII, 82, 77–78]. The document is published in [Rizaj S., The Albanian League of Prizren in British Documents, 1878–1881, Prishtina, 1978, pp. 279–280]). The League launched the motto: “Feja e shqyptarit asht shqyptaria” (“The Religion of the Albanians is Albanianism”) for the very sake of overcoming the Albanian religious diversity and separation. This movement has been the crucial political force of the Albanians and the pivotal point for defining the national identity and development of the Albanians but based on the domination of the Muslim Albanian corpus, the Albanisation of non-Albanians in controlled areas and ethnic cleansing of the Slavs and the Greeks within the territories framed to be the parts of a Greater Albania.

The First League of Prizren (Lidhja e Prizrenit) was established in the town of Prizren in Metochia for the very political purpose: to claim that this old Serbian town is in fact an Albanian one. However, Prizren was at that time consisted of 70% Serbs and 30% Albanians. The town was a capital of Serbia in the 14th century (called by the Serbs as Tsarigrad that is “Imperial Town”). A Serbia’s royal and later on imperial court and the Serb Christian Orthodox cathedral (саборна црква), built in 1307, were located in Prizren. However, today, only several Serbian houses remain in the town of Prizren. It has to be noticed that Metochia is a term of a Greek origin (μετόχι) and it refers to the land owned by the Orthodox church. As the Serbian medieval rulers granted huge portions of the land between the towns of Peć, Prizren, Mitrovica and Priština to the Serbian Orthodox Church, the western part of Kosovo came to be called Metochia [Батаковић Т. Д., Косово и Метохија у српско-арбанашким односима. Друго допуњено издање, Београд, 2006, p. 10]. This province, in general, is called by the Serbs, Kosovo-Metochia, while the Albanians purposely refer to it only as Kosova/Kosovë. However, the word Kosovo/Kosova/Kosovë is of a Slavic origin (kos = type of eagle), but not of the Albanian, what means that the Albanians even do not have their own (the Albanian) name for Kosovo. The Albanians, of course, do not mention Metochia at all as the term from historical perspective is in direct connection only with the Serbs, their church and the state.

The Islamic Kosovostan Caliphate and a Greater Albania

A present day brutal policy of barbaric extermination of the Christian Orthodox Serbs from Kosovo-Metochia, that is transformed into the Islamic Kosovostan Caliphate from June 1999 onward, followed by a systematic destruction of their Christian cultural heritage committed by the Sunni Muslim Albanians (who are of the same Islamic denomination as the Islamic State’s Jihadists in the Middle East) is just a part of such historical project established in 1878 with a direct sponsorship by at that time the Ottoman government. The German-established false theory of the Illyrian-Balkan origins of the Albanians is just serving as the formal academic basis for the geo-political realization of the racist project of a Greater Albania.

9 Samodreza

A Serbian Orthodox church of Samodrezha in Kosovo-Metochia destroyed by the Albanian Islamic fundamentalists and Jihad soldiers of the Kosovo Liberation Army in March 2004

Nevertheless, an objective historiography based on various historical sources knows well that the Balkan Albanians are originating in the South Caucasian Albania that was both a region and the state at the time of Antique and the early Middle Ages covering the present day territories of Azerbaijan and Dagestan. The Caucasus Albanians were even not the Indo-Europeans as the Balkan Illyrians were and linguistically have nothing to do with any Balkan indegineous ethnic group. The sources, moreover, are calling the Slavs as the Illyrians including primarily the Serbs but not the Albanians who became re-settled by the Arabs in the 8th century from the Caucasus to Arabia and Syria and further to Sicily where from they arrived to the territory of the present-day Central Albania in 1043 as a part of the Byzantine rebellious army commanded by the Sicilian strateg George Maniac. Subsequently, the Balkan Albanians are in fact the youngest but not the oldest present day ethnonation in the region.

Surely, a territory of Kosovo-Metochia or the Ancient Serbia (from the Italian mediaeval sources a Vecchia Servia) became the first (quasi)”Albanian” land incorporated into the framework of a Greater Albania – a project based on both a racist ideology of (quasi)”Illyrian” origin of the Balkan Albanians and ideology of the Islamic fundamentalism practiced today by the Islamic State in the Middle East. Moreover, Kosovo-Metochia became transformed into the first Europe’s Islamic fundamentalist “stan” state that was and is directly sponsored by Washington and its NATO’s and EU’s quislings. The Kosovo War in 1998−1999 was primarily the NATO’s prototype for the next wars of globalization [Collon M., Media Lies and the Conquest of Kosovo. NATO’s Prototype for the Next Wars of Globalization, New York, 2007] used by the terrorist Kosovo Liberation Army to separate Ancient Serbia from its historical roots and to include it as a Kosovostan into an Islamic Greater Albania.

In conclusion, the so-called “Illyrian” theory of the Albanian ethnogenesis, that claims that the present-day Balkan Albanians originate in the ancient Balkan Illyrians who are therefore their ancestors, is purely based on unscientific speculations as up today there is simply no a single direct material, archival or linguistic proof to support this (quasi)theory which is (mis)used as such for the realization of geo-political anti-Slavic, anti-Greek and anti-Christian Orthodox geo-political aims in the region.

Note:

This text is a critical contribution to the next updated and revised edition of the book:

Malcolm N., Kosovo: A Short History, New York, 1999.


2. Sotirovic 2013

Prof. Dr. Vladislav B. Sotirovic

Director

The NGO „Kosovo-Metochia“

www.kosovo-metochia.org

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Kosovo: Hillary Clinton’s Legacy of Terror
Kosovo is Clinton Country: a 10-foot-high statue of Bill overlooks “Bill Clinton Boulevard” in the capital city of Pristina. Hillary is also memorialized in what has become the crime capital of Europe: right off the street named for her husband is a store named “Hillary,” featuring women’s clothing modeled after the putative Democratic party nominee for President. Pantsuits figure prominently. As Vice puts it: “While former President Bill Clinton has had a boulevard named after him, it’s without a doubt that his wife’s the real star out here.” Why is that? As Gail Sheehy pointed out in her biography of Hillary, ...
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NATO’s war against Yugoslavia was based on lies
Germany joined the war against Yugoslavia under the pretense of fabricated facts. Sensational confession of German policeman Henning Hentz who served in the OSCE in Kosovo in the 90s confirmed that. The reason here is that photographs taken by Hentz in late January 1999 were used by then German Defence Minister Rudolf Scharping to justify the immediate interference of NATO in the Kosovo conflict. He presented the photographs of the militants killed in Rugovo as photos of innocent Albanian victims. What did really happen in Kosovo in late January of 1999, several months before NATO launched its operation against Yugoslavia? According to Serbian ...
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Kosovostan Albanian monstrous crimes
Serbian girl Jovana was only 11 years old when Albanian terrorists captured, beaten and detained iher together with rest of the  family. They were taken in a camp in the village of Klecka , Lipljan, along with her mother and grandmother . The camp was under  direct rule and control of Fatmir Limaj (acquitted by the Hague cangaroo court) and Hashim Thaci. Hasim Taci used to visit the camp. One day little Jovana was taken by the Albanian KLA bandits, Luan and Bekim Mazrreku, who, before the eyes of her mother and grandmother raped the eleven years old girl. They tortured her, cutting ...
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Washington’s “humanitarian” war and the KLA’s crimes
Revelations of fascistic crimes carried out by the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) prior to, during and after NATO’s war against the former Yugoslavia should provide a salutary lesson whenever Washington again cites humanitarian concerns to justify its predatory war aims. A new report prepared by Swiss Council of Europe deputy Dick Marty slams Kosovo leader Hachim Thaci for organ trafficking and other abominable crimes, deftly shaded by the U.S. in pursuit of their own self-interests. A report by the Council of Europe describes Kosovo today as a country subject to “mafia-like structures of organised crime”. It accuses KLA commander and current ...
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German intelligence service had mafia dossier on Kosovan President since 2005
The leak of a secret BND dossier on Hachim Thaci which reports that the newly-elected Kosovan President had links to a contract killer and was involved in the trafficking of people, arms and drugs is more confirmation that Western politicians have chosen to support Thaci in the knowledge of his criminal past. Wikileaks has leaked a secret German Federal Intelligence Service (BND) dossier on Hachim Thaci that dates back to 2005, after the former Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) leader had served the first of his two terms in office as Kosovan Prime Minister. The dossier reports that Thaci, who has recently been elected president of Kosovo, was one of the leaders of organized ...
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Kosovo and Columbine: Are we a nation of gun nuts or are we just nuts?
In Bowling for Columbine (2002), Michael Moore analyzed the culture of violence in the US and examined its relationship to the illegal US and NATO bombing of Yugoslavia in 1999. Following the bombing, US and NATO forces occupied Kosovo-Metohija militarily. The US and its allies acted unilaterally in bombing and occupying Yugoslav territory. There was no UN approval for this criminal aggression by the US and its allies. The illegal bombing did not represent “the international community”, but was the illegal action of the US government. The US goal was not to prevent “genocide” or human rights violations but to ...
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The murderers of Serbian children in Goraždevac remain “unknown”
Families want to know if one of the reasons of halting the investigation was, as they claim, the fact that the murderer came from the village of Ćuška, the birthplace of the former commander of the Kosovo Liberation Army and the current minister of Kosovo’s security forces, Agim Ceku. GORAŽDEVAC, SRNA – Tuesday marks the 12th anniversary of the murder of Serbian children in Goraždevac near Peć. On August 13, 2003, Ivan Jovović aged 19 and Pantelija Dakić aged 12 were taking a swim in the Bistrica River when they were shot dead with automatic weapons. Their peers Đorde Ugrenović aged 20, ...
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An Ukrainian serviceman shoots during fighting with pro-Russian separatists in the eastern Ukrainian town of Ilovaysk August 26, 2014. Ukrainian President Petro Poroshenko said on Tuesday that the only effective instrument for ending bloodshed in eastern Ukraine was effective border controls with Russia, and halting arms supplies to the rebels and releasing prisoners of war.  REUTERS/Maks Levin  (UKRAINE - Tags: POLITICS CIVIL UNREST) - RTR43VLT
There have been at least two countries in Europe in recent history that undertook ‘anti-terrorist’ military operations against ‘separatists’, but got two very different reactions from the Western elite. Photo: BBC Radio 4 Today ‏@BBCr4today / Twitter The government of European country A launches what it calls an ‘anti-terrorist’ military operation against ‘separatists’ in one part of the country. We see pictures on Western television of people’s homes being shelled and lots of people fleeing. The US and UK and other NATO powers fiercely condemn the actions of the government of country A and accuse it of carrying out ‘genocide’ and ’ethnic ...
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Southeastern European organized crime & extremism review
Albanian-U.S. sponsored Kosovo Liberation Army in august 1998 with the heads of local Serb civilians The following research is a review around the theme of Southeastern European organized crime, mainly in the period 1995-2007, highlighting the emergence of powerful regional “Mafias” with an actual global presence. The main focus is the Albanian criminal syndicates centered on Kosovo. The research is composed by previous material of the writer, some of which was presented in international workshops.  Moreover the issue of radical Islam is being overviewed in a second part,for the same period, along with information regarding  the state of affairs of the ...
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Kosovo’s mafia: How the US and allies ignore organized crime
Part 1 By Matt McAllester and Jovo Martinovic Global Research, March 30, 2011 Global Post 27 March 2011 Region: Europe Theme: Intelligence, US NATO War Agenda In-depth Report: THE BALKANS   Hashim Thaci, From Madeleine Albright (1999) to Condoleeza Rice and Hillary Clinton (2010) PRISTINA, Kosovo — It was the fall of 2000, just over a year after the end of the war in Kosovo, when two NATO military intelligence officers produced the first known report on local organized crime, painting the former political leader of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA), Hashim Thaci, as having “established influence on local criminal organizations, which control [a] large part of Kosovo.” The report, ...
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epa04526148 Czech President Milos Zeman attends a press conference after the meeting of V4 presidents and Austria and Slovenia in Prague, Czech Republic, 12 December 2014. Presidents of the four Central European States (V4 Group) Hungary, Czech Republic, Slovakia and Poland, and the presidents of Austria and Slovenia are visiting the Czech Republic for a two-day summit.  EPA/FILIP SINGER
  Miloš Zeman said in an interview for the Serbian newspaper Večernje novosti, that recognition of Kosovo’s independence has opened a Pandora’s Box and called the Kosovo deputy Prime Minister Hashim Thaçi a war criminal. Zeman, among other things, confirmed that he will travel to Moscow for the celebrations of the end of the Second World War because the Soviet army liberated most of the former Czechoslovakia. The Czech president has openly expressed himself on Kosovo in the past, for example he labeled the country a very strange state with a strong narco-mafia influence. This article originally appeared at Hospodářské Noviny. Translated for RI by Anthony Grulich The recognition of ...
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Potential new EU member is jihad’s Trojan horse
Fourteen people were arrested last Friday in raids in the Austrian capital of Vienna and the city of Graz. Prosecutors said the coordinated action, which involved 800 officers, was part of an ongoing investigation into suspected membership in the terrorist organization ISIS. Police also reportedly raided unofficial mosques where supporters of ISIS, against which the Trump administration has declared war, may have been meeting. Among those arrested, at least four were from the Balkan country of Bosnia-Herzegovina, a former federal unit of Yugoslavia. They are suspected of being part of the so-called Bosnian Network, run by a preacher who received a 20-year sentence in ...
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Understanding Albanian nationality and regional political-security consequences
The Albanian nationhood as understood in the 19th century was part of a romanticist notion of nationality, i.e., the Albanians were the Balkan people whose mother tongue was Albanian regardless of any confessional division of Albanian people into three denominations (Moslem, Roman Catholic and Eastern Orthodox). Within the north Albanian tribes, especially among the Miriditi, the Roman Catholic Church was very influential. The Roman Catholic Church became the main protector of the Albanian language and cultural heritage and the main protagonist of the national identity of the Albanians in the Northern Albania.[1] The expression of common notions of the Albanian ...
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“Responsibility to protect” was not valid in Kosovo and isn’t valid in Ukraine
The same arguments used to justify a western 'humanitarian intervention' in Kosovo in 1999 could be used to support a Russian intervention in Ukraine. This article originally appeared at Irrussianality Yesterday, I gave a talk on ‘The Folly of Military Intervention’ at McGill University. Afterwards, one of the students asked me a question about parallels between the wars in Kosovo in 1999 and Ukraine in 2014/15. As I answered, I found myself thinking about the scale of the humanitarian crises in both cases and what this means for supporters of so-called ‘humanitarian intervention’. In 1999, NATO aircraft bombed Yugoslavia for three months. The aim, ...
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Kosovostan – A European trafficking point
In this Talking Point Dr Marcus Papadopoulos says that ordinary people in the West were not told that after Serbia lost control of Kosovo, following the Nato bombing campaign against Belgrade and other Serbian cities in 1999, the region became a centre-point in Europe for the trafficking of people, drugs and organs. When Kosovo unilaterally declared its independence from Serbia in 2008, Western politicians hailed the event. The United States, which engineered the disputed act of independence, led the way in recognising the new Balkan state, with its allies quickly following suit. Many of the leading figures in today’s Kosovan government are ...
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Depleted uranium haunts Kosovo and Iraq
Iraq and Kosovo may be thousands of miles apart, but they share the dubious distinction of contamination with radioactive residue from depleted uranium (DU) bullets used in American air strikes. After several years of silence, US officials finally admitted that 340 tons of DU were fired during the Gulf war. In Kosovo, American delays in providing details of quantities and target points have frustrated international efforts to assess health risks. Despite repeated requests, NATO waited almost a full year after the start of bombing in March 1999 to say that 31,000 DU bullets–a fraction of the number fired in Iraq–were ...
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Violation of human rights of Serbs in the province of Kosovo and Metohija
The struggle for peace and the struggle for full respect of universal human rights, as defined by UN Declaration on protection of human rights, are interdependent and non-separable. Violations of sovereignty and territorial integrity, military interventions, aggressions and occupations go hand in hand with massive violations of the basic human rights. It is clear that there are no humanitarian military interventions. NATO military aggression against Yugoslavia ( Serbia ) which started March 24rth, 1999 was launched to allegedly protect human rights of Kosovo Albanians. It was carried out in blatant violation of the basic principals of International Law and without approval of ...
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Kosovo history – Third part
For the Serbs as Christians, their loss of state independence and fall to the Ottoman Empire’s kind of theocratic state, was a terrible misfortune. With the advent of the Turks and establishment of their rule, the lands of Serbs were forcibly excluded from the circle of progressive European states wherein they occupied a prominent place precisely owing to the Byzantine civilization, which was enhanced by local qualities and strong influences of the neighboring Mediterranean states. Being Christians, the Serbs became second-class citizens in Islamic state. Apart from religious discrimination, which was evident in all spheres of everyday life, this status ...
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Great Powers rivalry and the emergence of Albania in 1912-1913
Kosovo: Hillary Clinton’s Legacy of Terror
NATO’s war against Yugoslavia was based on lies
Kosovostan Albanian monstrous crimes
Washington’s “humanitarian” war and the KLA’s crimes
German intelligence service had mafia dossier on Kosovan President since 2005
Kosovo and Columbine: Are we a nation of gun nuts or are we just nuts?
The murderers of Serbian children in Goraždevac remain “unknown”
Kosovo and Ukraine: Compare and contrast
ISIL International
Southeastern European organized crime & extremism review
Kosovo’s mafia: How the US and allies ignore organized crime
Czech President Zeman: Deputy PM of Kosovo is a war criminal
Potential new EU member is jihad’s Trojan horse
Understanding Albanian nationality and regional political-security consequences
“Responsibility to protect” was not valid in Kosovo and isn’t valid in Ukraine
Kosovostan – A European trafficking point
Depleted uranium haunts Kosovo and Iraq
Violation of human rights of Serbs in the province of Kosovo and Metohija
Kosovo history – Third part

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